Saturday, December 6, 2025

A Review of C. Zâma’s "Die As a Man"

 

C. Zâma’s Die As a Man is thin yet carries so much weight. It does not arrive as a grand commentary on the Mizo independence movement of 1966–1986, nor as an attempt to retell history with sweeping declarations. Instead, it walks into that turbulent period the way an old camera might walk into a village morning — slow, steady, conscious of every footprint behind it. The book carries the weight of memory, but it carries it without theatrics. Its aim is simple: to bring forward the men whose names have long remained in the background, men who stepped into the conflict and never returned. By placing their stories in the foreground, the book shifts the reader’s sense of the past from a distant political struggle to a sequence of personal lives, each shaped by hope, fear, conviction, and loss.

Zâma re-writes the memoir of the fallen brethren from within the world he understands. As a former member of the Mizo National Army, he carries a familiarity with the terrain, the hardship, and the choices that marked the twenty-year movement. He writes for the “forgotten and unsung heroes” of the Mizo independence movement. What emerges is not a dramatic retelling but a gentle, steady unveiling. Each story appears as if the writer had paused at a doorway, lifted a curtain slightly, and invited the reader to step inside.

The narrative is structured around individuals rather than events. Sixteen chapters carry the names of fallen fighters — Major P.C. Lianhmingthanga, Major Thankhuma, Lt. Ngulkhopao, and others whose stories fill the pages with a sense of unadorned truth. The order is not rigid, but the movement from the early years of the uprising to the long endurance of the 1970s gives the book a natural flow. The reader moves from the charged atmosphere of February 1966 — when the declaration of independence set off a chain of clashes — to the weary persistence of a movement that refused to collapse even when the world around it shifted.

This approach brings the reader close to the ground. The stories begin in childhood homes, schoolrooms, village paths, and jhum fields. Before the men pick up arms, they appear as sons, brothers, neighbours, or young men with ordinary dreams. We see the traits that shaped them long before the war did: a quiet boy known for honesty, a young man with a sharp sense of responsibility, a village youth always alert to the suffering of others. These glimpses are brief, but they are enough to remind the reader that these figures did not enter history as symbols. They were ingrained in a familiar world.

When the conflict enters, it does not do so with sudden violence alone. It arrives through rumour, tension, whispered meetings, and the growing sense that the land is reaching a point beyond return. The February 1966 uprising begins with coordinated attacks on military installations. Zâma recounts these scenes not with the pace of an action novel but with the calm of someone who has learned to let events speak for themselves. The reader sees volunteers taking their positions through the mist, hears the short instructions exchanged in the dark, and senses the fear mixed with determination. The first shots are reported without flourish. The chapters build not drama but accuracy.

The book does not hide the imbalance of the conflict. One of its most haunting sections describes the March 1966 air raid on Aizawl. The town watched aircraft circle overhead before dropping bombs on their own citizens. Volunteers holding rifles understood at once how small they were in front of the machines above them. A fighter’s comparison — that resisting the planes was like confronting an elephant with bare hands — conveys the despair without exaggeration. Zâma simply places the image before the reader and steps aside. The shock of that moment carries its own weight.

Prison escapes are some of the most dramatic episodes. Zama tells how D. C. Zailiana and others spent seventeen days secretly loosening nails and grates in their cell at Aizawl jail, using a prayer meeting as a diversion while they finally squeezed through a narrow opening and fled into the night. The story has all the tension of a thriller, yet Zama’s understated writing keeps it grounded. The reader knows that if they had been discovered, the punishment could have been immediate execution. Elsewhere, an attempted escape ends in bloody reprisals, reminding us that not all such efforts succeeded.

Although many chapters focus on fighters, Die As A Man also gives a sense of the wider social experience of Mizoram during the conflict. It shows how war entered kitchens, churches, fields and village meetings. A recurring theme is communal solidarity. Zama gives an example of Lieutenant Lalruata, who persuades his village to invite Indian soldiers for tea when they are ordered to assemble in the school. While the troops enjoy hospitality, a few of his friends slip away through the back. The scene is almost quiet in tone, yet it demonstrates how ordinary villagers used the social value of hospitality as a way to protect their own.

The book also offers small glimpses of humanity. In one account, a captured leader is executed soon after refusing to surrender despite deep wounds. Later, an Indian Army officer expresses regret to his widow. The book does not expand on the gesture; it only acknowledges it. This quiet inclusion protects the narrative from sliding into easy binaries. It keeps the focus on the human cost rather than assigning simplified moral positions.

The strength of Zâma’s technique lies in his restraint. The stories unfold as if the camera is placed at shoulder height, slightly behind the protagonists, capturing only what they see and hear. Dialogue is recorded sparingly but meaningfully. A commander urges his men not to hesitate. A dying fighter tells his comrades to leave him behind for their own safety. A young corporal, driven past his patience, accepts a challenge with a traditional dao knife and fights with the dignity of someone who refuses to be intimidated. These spoken lines make the scenes vivid without needing dramatic commentary.

The cultural texture of Mizoram is present throughout the book, quietly and naturally. Villages appear as living communities — places where people gather for church, share rice, debate local decisions, and protect one another in the face of danger. Christianity surfaces in the background: a prayer whispered during a march, the memory of a church elder whose son now carries a gun, or the intervention of village leaders trying to prevent unnecessary bloodshed. Zâma does not pause to explain these cultural elements. He lets them exist in their own rhythm, trusting that the reader will feel their presence.

The wider region also enters the frame. Naga allies guide Mizo fighters through difficult terrain. Kuki youths join the struggle under Lt. Ngulkhopao. These relationships emerge through action — shared ambushes, journeys across borders, nights spent hiding in thick forest. The broader political landscape remains at the edges of the narrative, yet its influence is unmistakable. The reliance on East Pakistan as a rear base, the limitations faced after 1971, and the growing fatigue of the 1970s all appear as part of the lived reality of the fighters. Songs and poems are another important vehicle of memory. Throughout the text, Zama cites lyrics of Mizo hla, both patriotic songs and laments.

What gives the book its emotional force is not the scale of events but the small scenes that reveal a person’s character under pressure. One of the most striking involves Deputy Commissioner Zailiana. Captured, wounded, and offered treatment in exchange for surrender, he refuses calmly, stating that he will continue the struggle until his last moment. He is executed soon after. Zâma reports this with minimal description, but the quiet determination of that refusal lingers. It stands beside many other such moments — fighters who accept death rather than abandon their loyalty, families who endure imprisonment without complaint, villagers who rebuild the homes of widows. These scenes do not require elaborate language. They speak through the simplicity of the people involved.

The stories accumulate, chapter after chapter, until the reader gains an intimate picture of a society living through a long war. Some chapters describe daring missions, others describe sudden encounters that last only minutes. Some men die during well-planned operations; others die in moments of chance that no tactic could prevent. The repetition of death never becomes monotonous. Instead, it deepens the sense of what the movement cost its participants. The fighters were not machines of war. They were men with fears, friendships, and families. Their courage did not come from a place beyond humanity but from within it.

The book’s title, Die As a Man, finds meaning in these cumulative portraits. It reflects an ethic that guided many of the fighters: the belief that dignity should not be surrendered even when survival seems impossible. The men who appear in the book do not declare themselves heroes. They act because the situation before them demands a choice, and they choose loyalty, sometimes at the expense of their lives. Zâma never states this as doctrine. It emerges naturally from the stories he records.

As the narrative moves into the 1970s, the tone shifts quietly. The early energy of the rebellion is replaced by the endurance of a movement pushed to its limits. Sanctuary in East Pakistan ends after the 1971 Indo-Pak war. Supplies dwindle. Operations become more desperate. Yet the resolve of the fighters remains steady. Their determination is not romanticised. It is shown through the way they continue crossing rivers at night, navigating forests under monsoon rain, and carrying wounded comrades across ridges even when escape seems unlikely. The reader senses the physical and emotional strain, but also the stubborn persistence that kept the movement alive until the final accords.

By the time the book reaches its closing chapters, the reader feels not a single sweeping narrative but a quiet accumulation of human stories — a mosaic of sacrifice, loyalty, fear, endurance, and love for the land. The book becomes a memorial made of facts, spoken lines, and remembered actions. The writer’s intention is not to glorify but to bear witness.

This witness-like quality is what gives Die As a Man its distinctive voice. The tone resembles that of an archivist holding old film reels: steady hands, clear eyes, and a firm commitment to accuracy. Zâma does not instruct the reader on how to interpret the stories. He simply places them within reach. The result is a narrative that invites reflection rather than argument.

When the reader finally closes the book, what remains is not the noise of war but the faces of the men who passed through it. Each life is restored to its place in memory. Each sacrifice gains the dignity of being seen. The broader history of Mizoram during those twenty years becomes clearer, but it is the human cost that stays closest to the heart. It leaves the reader with a sense of respect — not for the idea of war, but for the individuals who bore its weight with dignity. The title itself – Die As A Man – echoes a core tenet of the ethos he portrays: to die as a true Mizo pasaltha. Masculinity here is not about machismo in the abstract; it is articulated through the warrior ethos, the cultural ideal of the pasaltha – the brave warrior who values honour, duty, and sacrifice above his own life.

Thursday, December 14, 2023

Zawlpala and Tualvungi

 In a land where love and beauty flourished, there lived Tualvungi, a woman so breathtakingly beautiful that her husband Zawlpala cherished her beyond measure. Their days were filled with joy until the powerful King Phuntiha visited their village.

The king, struck by Tualvungi's enchanting allure, inquired about her. Sensing the king's intentions, Zawlpala claimed she and his sister were unmarried. When the king demanded an extravagant bride price, hoping to dissuade him, Zawlpala set an exorbitant cost - jewellery weighing down poles. These guns could line a wall, a yard filled with yaks, a towering brass bell, and a hundred trunks of clothes.

Underestimating the king's magic, Zawlpala watched helplessly as Phuntiha fulfilled all demands instantly. Realizing his error, Zawlpala confessed to the truth, but it was too late. The king claimed Tualvungi and took her away despite her forewarning to Zawlpala about the king's treacherous nature.

Days later, Zawlpala visited the king's palace and was honoured with feasts. Unheeding Tualvungi's caution, he fell victim to poisoned drinks and met his demise upon returning home.

The villagers, wishing to inform Tualvungi, needed help to send a messenger. A crab and a crow were dismissed, leaving the quail as the chosen messenger. It delivered the message to Tualvungi, who received it as she wove atop her home.

Seeking to return to her village, Tualvungi's departure was hindered by the king's deceit, who claimed a cow had birthed a foal, causing her injury. With her wound bound, she gathered her belongings and set off. Arriving at Zawlpala's grave, she encountered an old woman whom she bribed with her property, pleading to end her suffering. After much persuasion, the old woman killed her.

 In a mystical transformation, Tualvungi transformed into a splendid butterfly, joined by Zawlpala in the same ethereal form. Following them was the king, transformed into an ungainly butterfly. Whenever two enchanting butterflies grace the skies, you'll find Tualvungi and Zawlpala trailed by the lingering presence of the once-powerful yet tragic king.

Rahte-a

 In a small village nestled among hills, Rahtea lived under the tyranny of a cruel stepmother. She burdened him with the heaviest chores and withheld even the smallest morsels of food. Yet, fate had a different plan.

One day, Rahtea's brother sought him out, inviting him to the Khuangchawi celebration in his honour. Discovering Rahtea seated beneath a Thingsiri tree adorned with sweet, nectar-filled flowers, the brother implored him to return home. But Rahtea, in verse, declined:

 "Stay with me, dear brother,

The Khuangchawi awaits in your honour."

Rahtea had found solace in the sweet nectar of the Thingsiri flowers, declaring:

"Go back alone, my dear brother,

For I've found sustenance in these blossoms.

Only now can I feast to my heart's content,

Content and nourished, I shall stay."

Determined, the stepmother dispatched Rahtea's aunt to fetch him, yet she failed. Desperate, the stepmother herself ventured forth, pleading for his return. Unmoved, Rahtea expressed their fractured relationship and, in a breathtaking turn, transformed into a dragonfly, soaring away, leaving behind the trials of his past.

Wednesday, December 13, 2023

Why the Dog Did Not Have Horns While the Goat Had

 Once upon a time, things looked a little different in the age of ancient animals. Dogs, friendly creatures, sported impressive horns, while goats roamed without any. Despite this difference, they coexisted harmoniously, living near humans and sharing a camaraderie.

However, the goats had a slight practical advantage over their canine friends—they could easily access their food without the encumbrance of horns. One day, an idea struck the dogs. They proposed a swap: the goats could take their horns, enhancing their beauty, while the dogs could do without. Enticed by the promise of newfound grace, the goats agreed, taking on the horns of the dogs.

As the goats proudly flaunted their new adornments, something shifted. Suddenly empowered, they found themselves more capable of defending against adversaries. Meanwhile, the dogs, now stripped of their horns, felt vulnerable, akin to hunters bereft of their spears.

Realizing their grave mistake, the dogs sought to reclaim their horns from the goats. But alas, the goats, revelling in their newfound strength and protective capability, refused to yield. The dogs' attempt at reconciliation fell on deaf ears.

Thus, the rift widened between the dogs and the goats once friends became foes. The bitterness arising from an ill-fated exchange overshadowed their shared past of amity and cooperation. This resulted in the enduring enmity between these two creatures—a tale etched in history explaining why dogs and goats are now at odds.

A Chief daughter and a Snake

Once nestled near a sprawling village, a colossal python dwelled within a cavern, shrouded in mysticism. The villagers regarded the snake as a being from the spiritual realm owing to its immense size. In reverence or fear, they made offerings—goats and even their infants—hoping to appease this majestic serpent.

One fateful night, a traveller from the Lai tribe happened upon the village. Instantly sensing an eerie hush and a palpable sorrow, he inquired about the cause of such desolation. The villagers revealed a grim truth—their children, offered as sacrifices, had met their fate at the jaws of the colossal snake. A single exception remained: the cherished daughter of the chief, admired by all for her beauty and melodic voice. Yet, even she faced the impending sacrifice.

Moved by this tragedy, the traveller resolved to intervene. Armed with a sharp-edged adze, he confronted the serpent within its cavernous abode. Confronted by the snake's colossal size, doubt lingered in his mind, questioning his ability to slay the creature. Despite his apprehensions, he remained resolute.

A fierce battle ensued, each strike of his adze a testament to his determination. In a decisive blow, the adze met the serpent's head, felling it. Triumph echoed through the village as the traveller emerged victorious, having liberated them from the serpent's reign of terror.

Grateful for his valour, the villagers celebrated his triumph, expecting him to claim the hand of the maiden he had saved. The girl, without objection, and the chief, in agreement, sanctioned their union. Thus, the traveller and the chief's daughter were wedded, finding joy and contentment in each other's embrace, their union heralding a happily-ever-after amidst the backdrop of a village relieved from the serpent's ominous shadow.

Chepahakhata

In the heart of a land veiled in myth and tradition lived a man named Chepahakhata. His visage was marred by an unkind ugliness, deterring any prospect of companionship. Yet, destiny intervened one day, weaving an unlikely union between Chepahakhata and a woman shrouded in her mystical prowess. She, too, was untouched by conventional beauty, existing as a formidable sorceress seeking a partner. Together, they forged a life, her enchantments conjuring an opulent estate surrounded by lesser dwellings housing their subjects. Elevated to the position of chief in this community, Chepahakhata's fortune seemed boundless. A daughter graced their union, a testament to their shared existence.

However, as years elapsed, Chepahakhata became oblivious to the source of his affluence—the sorceress he wed. His attention waned, neglecting the very foundation of his wealth. The sorceress, noting her husband's disregard, tasked their teenage daughter with summoning her intoxicated father. Despite her efforts, Chepahakhata remained indifferent, lost in inebriation. Disheartened, the daughter warned of their departure, foretelling his return to destitution. Ignoring her, he continued his revelry until sleep enveloped him for an indefinite slumber.

Upon awakening, a harsh reality was unveiled: his opulence had vanished, leaving him to scrape for sustenance. Except for his daughter's empathy, none showed pity. Touched by her plea, the sorceress sent a magical pot, endlessly replenishing cooked rice. Yet, envy stirred elsewhere. A jealous chief schemed to shatter the pot, making Chepahakhata more desolate.

Driven to despondency, he sought solace beneath a towering tree in the forest amidst the chatter of myriad birds. Amidst their discourse, a conversation seized Chepahakhata's attention—a discussion between two birds on the intelligence of the Mizo and the Vai (Plain People). A revelation struck him, a notion of discernment hidden within these exchanges.

Empowered by newfound insights, Chepahakhata discovered an impending contest of wits between the Mizos and the Vai. In a curious twist of fate, the initial challenge mirrored his earlier conversation—the conundrum of indistinguishable women. No Mizo could fathom a solution until Chepahakhata stepped forth. With a resounding slap, the truth emerged as one woman cried out, identifying herself as the daughter, unravelling the enigma.

Subsequent puzzles were posed, including an identical cow and a peculiar basket. Chepahakhata's astute responses unveiled the cow's head and the basket's riddle, winning acclaim from the Mizo. His wife, attuned to the events through her witchcraft, returned with their daughter, restoring Chepahakhata's former opulence and reinstating his affluent life.

In this twist of fate, Chepahakhata's understanding from a casual avian exchange culminated in the redemption of his fortunes, affirming the power of intelligence and astuteness within the Mizo tradition.

Kawrdumbela

(Translated from B. Lalthangliana's Book) 

In a distant village, there lived a man named Kawrdumbela, whose appearance was far from pleasing. He toiled in the fields and set traps to catch wild creatures, hoping for a successful catch each morning. Yet, his traps remained empty, much to his dismay. Even as the forest teemed with wildlife and others' traps yielded results, his efforts bore no fruit.

One night, Kawrdumbela witnessed a sight that explained his empty traps—a cunning bird named Vazuntei snatched away the trapped animals. Swiftly seizing the bird, he demanded recompense for its freedom. Craftily, Vazuntei offered a plan: it would warn the chief that unless his beautiful daughter married Kawrdumbela, their entire village would face peril from enemies.

True to its word, Vazuntei delivered the ominous message three consecutive nights. Initially sceptical, the chief eventually believed the warning and conferred with his daughter. Understanding the stakes, the compassionate daughter agreed to marry Kawrdumbela, knowing it would safeguard her people.

 Post-marriage, Kawrdumbela sent his wife to fetch a fish net from her father. Unwilling to return, she lingered at her parents’ home, disdaining her new husband. At the elders' insistence, she reluctantly brought the net back.

 When Kawrdumbela cast the net into the river, he caught Nghangiai, a fish offering freedom in exchange for advice. Following the fish's counsel of bathing and rubbing with smooth stones, his ugliness vanished, transforming him into a handsome. Returning home unrecognizable to his wife, she mistook him for another until he revealed his true identity. Startled, she quickly returned the net, hurriedly leaving.

 Her father, suspicious of her sudden change of heart, discovered the truth upon witnessing Kawrdumbela's transformation. Seeking similar change, the chief used the net to catch Nghahrah, a fish promising beauty through rough pebbles. But to his dismay, he only became uglier, mistakenly blaming Kawrdumbela for his predicament.

Saturday, September 9, 2023

Artui leh hmawlhte

 Once upon a time, an egg and a stick crossed paths and formed an extraordinary friendship. Surprisingly, both were skilled farmers, and they willingly toiled in each other's fields, concluding their labor with shared meals in a humble hut.

On a particular day, as they prepared to savor their meal, an unforeseen dilemma surfaced – they had no curry to accompany their rice. Swiftly, the egg proposed a brief pause, departed in search of a solution, and returned bearing a fried egg. This unconventional choice was embraced with delight, and they relished their meal together.

Another day, relentless rain poured down, bringing a chill to the air. Desiring both sustenance and warmth, they faced an obstacle – the absence of firewood and the means to kindle a fire. In response, the stick volunteered for a mission. It ventured out, willingly breaking itself into smaller fragments, which were then set ablaze. The stick returned triumphant, bearing not only fire but also the means to keep it alight. With gratitude, they prepared their food and basked in the comforting glow of the fire, their spirits lifted by the warmth and companionship they shared.

Wednesday, September 6, 2023

Pi Zaii Bangla (Heritage Building)

 




1. State/District/Town/Village: Mizoram, Aizawl, Mission Veng

 2. Name of the heritage building: Moderator Bangla (Pi Zaii Bangla)

 3. Date/Period: 1935

 4. Location: The building is located near Mission Veng Presbyterian Church and Presbyterian Church Girls School in Mission Veng, Aizawl.

 5. Approach -

   i) Airport: Lengpui Airport, Aizawl

   ii) Bus Stand: Sikulpuikawn

 6. Topographical features: The building is located on a sloping ground.

 7. Brief history: Pi Zaii Bangla, now recognized as Moderator Bangla, stands as one of the oldest heritage buildings in Aizawl, constructed during the British Colonial era. Despite undergoing renovations, it has preserved the original design crafted by the constructor, Rev. Lewis Evans (Pu Niara), in 1935. The building's history includes notable occupants, such as Miss Katie Hughes (Pi Zaii), who resided there from 1935 to 1962, followed by Miss Gwen Rees Roberts (Pi Teii), who called it home from 1944 to 1968, and Miss Mair Angharat Roberts (Pi Zopari), who lived there from 1965 to 1968. Subsequently, the house served as a residence for Mizo Pastors, with Rev. Lalnguraua Ralte taking up residence from 1968 to 1969.

8. Local tradition associated with the building: N/A

9. Architectural style: Colonial (Assam-type building)

10. Description of the Building: The initial measurements of the building indicate dimensions of 77 feet 10 inches in length and 54 feet 11 inches in width. The structure consists of six rooms and two bathrooms, featuring two fireplaces. In its original state, the house displayed a color scheme of black and white, with a skirting adorned in black paint, crafted from 3-ft cubic stones. The frames were also painted black, contrasting with the white walls. Notably, the building includes a verandah, porch, and backyard, along with four pillars positioned on the roof, one for each cardinal direction. Additionally, there are seven doors and 22 windows.

Over the years, the house has undergone renovations necessitated by natural wear and other factors. The Mizoram Synod has undertaken efforts to maintain its original character while refurbishing specific areas of the structure.

11. Building/Structural materials and other elements used: Building materials include hardwood, cubic stone, cement, clay, shredded sacks, and iron net.

 12. Usage: The building continues to serve as the residence of the Moderator, Mizoram Synod, for one year at a time.

 13. Ownership: Mizoram Synod

 14. Protection Status: N/A

 15. Condition of the built heritage: Fair

 16. Historical Importance: On June 3, 1935, a momentous gathering took place within the walls of Pi Zaii Bangla. Mission Sap and church leaders convened, and it was on this historic occasion that the decision to establish an association was reached. This building, Pi Zaii Bangla, holds a unique place in history as the birthplace of the renowned Young Mizo Association (YMA).

During this significant meeting, after much deliberation, Rev. Fr. David Edward, who happened to be Zorema's father, offered a thought-provoking suggestion. He astutely remarked, "If we approach this as Christians, our reach may not extend far enough to attract a substantial following. Instead, let's name it 'Young Lushai Association,' drawing inspiration from the Young Wales Association in Wales." This proposal, unanimously approved, marked a key moment in the association's inception.

 It's important to note that the use of 'Young' in the association's name does not imply an age-specific focus on children or youth. Rather, it signifies the youthful vigor and potential of the Mizo nation, a nation on the path of development and growth. Consequently, the Young Lushai Association came to be known as 'Mizo thanglai,' emphasizing its connection to the burgeoning Mizo community.

The initial leaders of the Young Lushai Association, or YLA, were referred to as Officers, a term that would later evolve into Office Bearers. The first set of YLA Officers comprised notable figures:

- President: Rev. Fr. L Evans, affectionately known as Mr. Niara

- Vice President: Miss K Hughes

- Treasurer: Rev. Fr. W Edward, fondly called Good Zorema

- Secretaries: Mr. Pasena and Mr. Vankhuma

In 1940, a pivotal development occurred with the formation of the Central YLA Committee. Then, on October 7, 1947, this central committee made a historic decision to change the name from 'Lushai' to 'Mizo,' solidifying the association's identity as the Young Mizo Association (YMA). This alteration reflected the evolving and unifying spirit of the Mizo people, encapsulating their aspirations and unity under the YMA banner.

17. General remarks: The Mizoram Synod has been proactive in preserving the building's originality by substituting materials as needed with those closely resembling the originals. This approach guarantees the longevity of the English constructors' original craftsmanship, which remains discernible even after many years.

18. Lister name with Date: Pc Lalrinawma, Work Supervisor, Synod, Mizoram. August 25, 2023.

Book References:

i) Hawla, Upa V: Zoram Hmarchan Zosapte Chanchin, The Synod Bookroom, Aizawl, 1969

ii) Hluna Dr. J.V: Mizoram Welsh Missionary Te Chanchin, Synod Publication Board, Aizawl, 1993.


He Field Project Report hi Government Aizawl West College history zirlaite'n Dr. Malsawmdawngliana ho a an tih a ni e.

Aizawl: Unravelling Its Origins

Let's provide a concise explanation of the origin of the name "Aizawl" and the history of its first inhabitants.

Challenging the Historical Accuracy: Reevaluating Henrova as the First chief to Occupy Aizawl:

In 1804, Chief Henrova, who belonged to the Thahdo tribe, occupied an area known as Mission Veng tlang Hriangmual. This historical account was documented by R. Thanhlira in his book "Aw! Zawlkhawpui." Chief Henrova's rule in Hriangmual lasted from 1804 to 1810, marking the earliest known inhabitants of Aizawl based on historical records. Hriangmual is located in Mission Veng, Aizawl, which is now the site of the Synod Conference Center. The name "Hriangmual" is derived from the presence of Hriang trees in the area.

It's worth noting that Hriangmual is not exclusive to Aizawl; it extends to the Phuaibuang Mountain range, situated north of Mawmrang Mountain within the Tuivai River basin. Chief Henrova ruled over Hriangmual in that region. He was the younger brother of Chief Huhena, who governed Phuaibuang. Some writers mistakenly attribute Chief Henrova as the chief of Mission Veng tlang Hriangmualram, but historical evidence suggests that he never set foot in that specific land.

The first recorded occupant of Hriangmual in Mission Veng tlang was Ngâna, the grandfather of Mizo Subedar Pakunga, around the year 1888.

Lalsavunga: Reconsidering the First Chief of Aizawl's History:

Another significant figure in the history of Aizawl is Lalsavunga. R. Thanhlira's book "Zawlkhawpui" mentions that Lalsavunga occupied Aizawl Hill between 1810 and 1821 and hailed from Hlimen village. However, records from the Mission Veng Church History in the Hundred Years suggest that Lalsavunga was present in Aizawl in 1845-4. This contradicts common beliefs that Lalsavunga passed away around the age of 80 in 1840, with some sources even stating that his demise occurred in 1835 in Darlawng tlang. Regardless, it is clear that Lalsavunga, the Sailo chief, is recognized as the first known Mizo chief to occupy Aizawl.

After Lalsavunga the latest known Mizo chief who occupied Aizawl was Thanruma, son of Suakpuilala, the greatest chief of southern Mizoram. R. Thanhlira believes that he occupied it for 10 years. The area between Tuikhuahtlang and Assam Rifles grounds is said to be the settlement of Thanruma.  R. Thanhlira said that Thanruman had left Aizawl three years prior to the Vailian. Here Vailian is the last Vailian which happened between 1889-1890.

The Etymology and Origins of the name “Aizawl”:

Regarding the origin of the name "Aizawl," R. Thanhlira provides an account in his book "Zawlkhawpui." While the exact date of the name's creation and its composer remain unknown, it is established that Aizawl existed prior to the arrival of the British. The name itself is believed to mean "Aichhia and Aidu's place." Despite the mystery surrounding its origins and the possibility that it was not composed by a single individual, the name holds historical significance.

Additionally, Pu Paliana Hauhnar, one of Mizoram's earliest circle interpreters, who began working as a Lushai Clerk in 1907 and later ruled Aizawl as a chief, mentioned that between the Governor's office and the Governor's house, references to Aidu and Aiduchhia were abundant contributing to the name "Aizawl." A well was dug in this location, which was initiated by Mizoram Governor A. Parteons ICS. In 1983, the Governor's residence, Raj Niwas, was referred to as the Governor's Bangla. The well was located on the north side of the north gate of Raj Niwas and primarily supplied water for flowers and vegetables. After Mizoram transitioned into a Union Territory in 1972, the well was filled, and houses were built on the site. Given Aizawl's mountainous terrain, this location likely stood as one of the few flat plains or horizons. According to some elders, numerous Aichhia (wild taro) plants grew in the surrounding valleys. However, the name "Aizawl" and its association with this location remain clear.

Establishing Imperial Presence:

In 1890, Officer Dally of the Assam Police and his 400 men arrived at Aizawl to support Colonel Skinner's troops during a British military operation against the Mizo tribals. On Dally's recommendation, Aizawl was selected as the site of a fortified post that Colonel Skinner had been ordered to construct. The troops constructed stockades and buildings at the site. In 1892-95 Aizawl became accessible from Silchar by fair weather road under the supervision of Major Loch.

In 1890, Officer Dally of the Assam Police and his 400 men arrived at Aizawl to support Colonel Skinner's troops during a British military operation against the Mizo tribals, it was an abandoned village site. The invaders decided that it was a good location to establish a fortified post. On Dally's recommendation, Aizawl was selected as the site of a fortified post that Colonel Skinner had been ordered to construct. The troops constructed stockades and buildings at the site. In 1892-95 Aizawl became accessible from Silchar by fair weather road under the supervision of Major Loch.

On top of a mountain, cleared of trees, with excellent views of the surroundings  and a fairly good water supply, it was a safe position from which to launch  military operations. Equally important was the fact that it was relatively  well connected with the British-controlled plains. A path led down some 20 kilometres to Changsil (or Bepari Bazar), a small trading post on the Tlawng river. This post had been established in the early 1870s and was under the control of Suakpuilala, the chief of Reiek. It boasted a few shops, run by Bengali traders. After the army ‘blasted away the numerous huge boulders which obstructed the river traffic above Changsil’, the market moved upriver to Sairang, 14 kilometres from Aizawl. From here a flat-bottomed boat could take you down the Tlawng (or Dhaleshwari) river to Silchar, the nearest British town in the plains to the north. After some years a bridle path was made, connecting Aizawl and Silchar by the land route; it took 8 days on pony to cover the 130-kilometer distance.

 Construction of a double stockade round the new British stronghold began right away because ‘the clans round [Aizawl] were not exactly in a submissive state of mind’. Immediately it proved relevant because, even before the second stockade was ready, the chiefs combined and attacked both Aizawl and Changsil. It took 4 months to quell the revolt. More military detachments were posted at both places, and the commander of the troops at Aizawl, Captain C. H. Loch, ‘an engineer by inclination, though a soldier by profession’, took charge of construction activities.

Soon barracks came up to house hundreds of troops, as well as a military depot (or quarter guard).Officials moved into newly built masonry bungalows and the hill began to take on the semblance of a settlement.

A post and telegraph office soon provided an essential lifeline to the outside world, but for years there was no money available to make a proper building. The Superintendent who arrived in 1897 observed:

“The Post Office, when I arrived in Aijal was a most decrepit kutcha [non-brick] erection. The Department refused to find money for a stone building, till I sent a photograph of the office to Shillong that shamed the Department into sanctioning the stone building. There was fire in the building once and an energetic fool handed up a tin of kerosene, thinking it was water, to a fellow on the roof who threw it over the flames with no good results.

 Two serious problems soon presented themselves. One was a lack of level ground, an issue all over Mizoram. The troops needed level ground to practise,so Loch decided to flatten a knoll to create a parade ground. Military labour made it possible to take on this huge task, which took 5 years to complete:

The labour for the parade ground was formed by the sepoys [soldiers]. Loch gave out contracts, which were much sought after. To get the spoil away from the tract of the hill to the edge of the ground, the men worked in pairs, one wheeled the barrow, the other filled it, at the spot where the stuff had to be tipped, a Gurkha Officer stood with a bag of paisa and paid for each barrow according to the length of the load.

The money for all this was provided by the Canteen Fund, which was largely produced by the sums which the workers paid to satisfy the thirst produced by their labours. The only cost to government was Rs.1,200/-. The range was also made by sepoy labour. Mostly on Saturdays when every man from the commandant to the last joined recruit put in about 8 hours Kamjarri [work], Loch’s battalion was the only one in which there was never any trouble about Kamjarri, the reason being that there was very little except on Saturdays when every one worked. When the work was done, the parade ground ‘had a sheer cliff of 60 feet or more on one side, and 150 feet of filling in on the other’. The cliff face of this field, now known as the Assam Rifles.

The other issue was that, as Aizawl grew, the water supply became insufficient for the needs of settlement. To resolve this difficulty, the troops were set to work on creating a water reservoir. They created what became known as the ‘crater’. As former Superintendent Shakespear remembered years later:

This was the first effort made in the days of McCabe [Superintendent from 1890 to 1892] to solve the water supplying question. He had a big excavation made in a circular knoll that stood opposite the house, the spoils being thrown outwards. Then he cut a number of shallow drains on the face of the hill below the Assistant Commandant’s house all joining into one channel from which by a corrugated iron aqueduct he carried through the drainage of that hill over the road, into his ‘crater’. The first burst. The Civil Surgeon whose house then stood on the north side of the ‘crater’ complained of the dampness resulting from the experiment. So the aqueduct was removed and the ‘crater’ remained till Cole succeeded me [in 1899], and the road round it was included in his gardens, at least so I have been told. The next effort to improve the water supply was made by Loch and myself throwing a bund across the valley south of his house. This too was a failure for as in the first case the water would not stay, but run away under the embankment. Before I left finally a little water did remain as the  silt filled up the leaks.

The Early Mizo Inhabitants of Aizawl: Tracing the Region's Indigenous Population:

In cultural terms, early Aizawl was a typical colonial garrison town that was not interested in the way of life of its rural neighbours. The small British community – government officials, army officers and missionaries – ruled the roost. They introduced their imperial version of ‘Western civilization’ at a time when Europeans had no doubts about its superiority. They felt that they had a great deal to offer in terms of lifestyle and saw their public behaviour as an object lesson to the natives. In this spirit they would, for example, go out on picnics, dressed in clothes that were fashionable (or at least not too long out of fashion) back ‘Home’ but that must have looked outlandish, misplaced and uncomfortable to local observers.

 The hill people were fascinated by the physical appearance of Europeans:

As soon as they [missionaries Savidge and Lorrain] commenced to cut down the undergrowth, a number of Lushais came running towards them, and squatting down on their heels, watched them with interest, but without offering any help. One youngster, when he thought that Mr. Savidge was not looking, came up behind, and touched him on the heel. When Mr. Savidge turned he ran for his life. Some time later, a more impudent boy lifted up the bottom of one of the missionaries’ trouser legs and shouted, ‘A ngo bawk. Ava mak em.’ And then he too rushed off. Later they discovered that he was announcing the astonishing fact that their legs were white like their hands and faces.

Even though Aizawl was the command centre of British rule in Mizoram, most inhabitants were not British but came from other parts of South Asia. A list of Aizawl people who donated contributions to the World War I effort revealed names from Assam, Bengal, Meghalaya, Marwar, Nagaland, North India and Nepal. By far the largest group consisted of soldiers of the occupying Indian Army stationed in Aizawl. By 1910 there were 777 army personnel in Mizoram: 663 common soldiers, 15 trumpeters, 82 havildars, 9 jamadars and 8 subadars. These troops came from different parts of North India as well as from Nepal, which was not part of the British Empire. Culturally they were very diverse. They followed various religions and spoke many different languages, none of them familiar to the local people: most soldiers were Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims and the primary army language was Hindi. Particularly prominent among them were the Gurkha troops from Nepal. 

Gurkhas would eventually settle down in Aizawl and form a small permanent community there. This was remarkable in view of the fact that one of the earliest British policy decisions had been to declare an ‘inner line’ barring outsiders from entering Mizoram without a permit. This regulation has acted as a fairly effective separator of hill people and vai (outsiders) since the 1870s and remains in force today. Unlike other outsiders, the Gurkhas were permitted to stay on and, as the following images show, they kept their cultural distinctiveness and visibility in town.

In summary, Aizawl's history, marked by its nomenclature's enigmatic origins, unfolds a narrative that interweaves the footprints of early inhabitants and British military presence, offering insights into the city's formative years as a colonial outpost amidst the scenic splendor of Mizoram's hills.

This article is for information only, no part of this writing can be copied/re-written without proper permission from the author and the publishers. 

Reference: 

1. The Camera as Witness: A Social History of Mizoram, Northeast India by Joy LK Pachuau and Willem Ven Schendel, Cambridge University Press.

2. Aw! Zawlkhawpui by Thanhlira

3. "Aizawl hming hi le" by Lalhruaitluanga Ralte, Vanglaini 30th July 2021.

 

 

Wednesday, December 7, 2022

Frontier Market Part 2

 England lalnu Elizabeth phalna charter hmangin kum 1600 khan East India Company chu India ramah sumdawng turin an lo kal a.  English wool, cotton, iron etc te hi England atangin a thawn chhuak a, paper, spices, silk leh porcelain te England-ah an la lut thung a ni. Kum 1669 khan khawvel market a thingpui sumdawnna hi a hlawk em avangin an zuang lut ve ta a. 222 pounds of tea chu Amoi port of Fujian China atangin England-ah an thawn lut a ni. Heta tang hian Britain ramah pawh thingpui demand a lo sang chho ta vak mai a. Kum 1830 atang khan thingpui huan siam hi East India Company hian India ramah an lo ching chho tan ta a ni. Kum 1835 khan Governor of India chuan Bruce bothers te chu Assam a tea garden siamna thuneihna a pe a ni. Chuta tang chuan Assam Tea Company chu din a ni a. China atangin mithiam an chah a, Cachar hmun phaizawlah hian Tea Garden chu mingo ho enkawl tur ngeiin an nei ta thluah mai a ni.

 

Kum 1871 khan Alexanderpore tea garden chu Bengkhuaia hote chuan an bei chiam mai a. Helai hmun a thawk Scottish James Winchester chu thah a ni a. A fanu mary Winchester pawh chu sala hruai a ni a. Hei hi Lushai te tan fungah chuan an ram sovereignty an rawn ti buai tih a ni a. Bengkhuaia thusawiah hian a ti lang chiang awm e: “Nang ni pasaltha, kawng engkima kan khawtlang timawitu leh veng himtu, engkima kan engkim in ni a. Khawvelah hian ngam loh leh hneh loh in neih pawh ka ring bik lo. Kan ram min rawn chuh buai tur leh min rawn sih hek turah te phei hi chuan lu chum ban chum huam a tang ngam vek tur in ni tih ka hai lo che u. Ka lo hrat angin, kan ram chhuahna hmun ber, a ngho pawh themtleng chen chen Sai in kahna thin kha tu ten emaw an lo vat chereu a ni awm a, ka thin a ur a, nangni meuh in chet a, in thawhchhuah a ngai ta a nih hi. Dam tak leh tluang takin in kal ang a, hlawhtling taka in lo haw leh ka beisei tlat che u a. In lo haw hunah ropui takin kan lo hmuak dawn che u a nia.” British ho tan chuan an sumdawnna hmun pui tea garden te venhim chu an tih makmawh a ni a. Chutianga rawn ti buai leh rawn run fo mai Lushai ho chu an hriat chian a ngai a ni. Military Department lam chuan Lushai ho chanchin hre turin tunhnai lawk a tlang lam a han kal Mathura Burman chu an ko  vat a. Mathura Burman hi medicine man a ni a, Mizo lal Suakpuilala nu Pi Buki damlo enkawl turin a han kal a ni. Ani chuan Suakpuilala chanchin a sawi a, Suakpuilala chuan Cachar sumdawnnaah thuneih a duh thu a lo sawi a. Chhim lam Lushai lal te’n gun powder leh sulphur, ramhnuai bazaar Kolashur, an tih mai an la fo mai chu a thik a ni. Heta tanga lang chiang ta em em chu Informal trade kan tih hi hma khawsang atangin a lo awm a ni. Bengalee sumdawng leh medicine men te hian chhan hrang hrang avangin Lushai ho awmna ah hian ralmuang takin an han kal fo a ni.

 Lushai Hills awmna hi a pawimawh em em a, Cachar district of Assam, Sylhet district of Bangladesh leh Chin Hills Burma in kar a awm a ni a. Khatih laia lawngchawlhna hnai ber chu Chittagong a ni. Anglo Burmese War kum 1824-26 ah khan Assam a kum sang tam tak ro lo rel thin Ahom hnen atangin East India Company chuan thuneihna an rawn nei ta a. East India Company hian Assam natural resources a hausa tih hi a hrechiang a. Chumi avang chuan Chittagong atang hian sumdawnna beihpui a rawn thlak a ni. An sumdawnna zauhna laka harsatna thlentu chu an tan chuan hmelma an lo ni ta a ni.

 Lushaite’n phai lam mite an run thu hi British record-ah chuan kum 1843 khan kan hmu tan a. 16 April 1843 ah chuan Lushaite chuan Kachu Bari, Manipur Colony, Sylhet district a mi chu an run a. Record uchuak (romanticized) deuh mai ziah a ni a, Lushaite hian an lal Lalchukla pa thih champha atan mi lu an mamawh ni a sawi a ni a. British Political agent kha chhui tur a tih a ni a. Chumi report-ah chuan an zuk beih nachhan hi Manipur Bazaar buaina vang zawk a lo ni a. he Bazaar hmun hi East India Company territory a awm a ni a. Manipuri helai awm te chuan Lushai sumdawng a lo kal te chu an lo vel a lo ni a. hemi bakah hian buaina dang a awm a. Lushaite leh Mainipurte hian Bazaar awmna hmun chungchangah hian in rem lohna an nei a. Raja of Tiperra (Tripura) chuan  British thuneitute hnenah Manipur ho awmna lai chu a ram chhung ni in a sawi a. Lushai lal Lalchukla hi Raja of Tiperra nen hian sumdawnna tha tak neiin in thian tha sa an ni a. Hemi avang hian Lushai lal chuan Manipur Bazaar hmun hi a beih chhan niin an sawi a ni. British ho chuan mawhphurhna la tu Lalchukla chu an man a, Raja of Tiperra pawh chuan a chhan ngam ta lo a.

Lushai mite leh phaizawla chengte insumdawn tawnna hi hunrei taka atanga lo kal tawh a ni a. Colonial record hmasa lam te kan en chuan Lushaite hian phaizawlah te hian sumdawnna nei turin an tlawh fo a. Phaizawl a chengte pawn an han tlawh fo thin tih kan hmu a ni. Cachar phaizawlah hian Sai a tam em em a, Saingho a in sumdawn tawnna hi Rubber sumdawnna awm hma atanga frontierah hian awm tawh a ni. Sai ngho hi Mughal hunlai te kha chuan demand a sang em em a. Cachar phaizawl a Saingho tam tak hi Chittagong atangin Banglee sumdawng ho hnenah hralh thin a ni a. Chutiang taka pawimawh a nih avang chuan Government of India pawhin Cachar hmun a Sai manna tur Kheddah method an siam ta thuai a, chu chu Military Department hnuaiah kal puiin Cachar-Lushai frontier hmunah hian Sai an man ta thin a ni. Hetih lai hian ramri rin mumal a la awm loh avangin Sai man tur hian Lushai ho awmna tlang ram thlengin an han kal ta thin a. Hei tak mai hi Lushai ho chuan an ram rawn lut niin an hria a, “Kan sai ram pelhna an dal” an tih nachhan kha a ni. Chumai bakah East India Company chuan Chittagong atangin Assam lam sumdawnna nasa takin hma a la a. Thingpui sumdawnna hi Europe market a demand a san avangin Cachar phaizawlah hian Mingote ngei enkawl turin Thingpui huan an rawn nei ta chum chum mai a ni. Hei hi Lushai mite chuan an duh lo hle a, Sai ram pelna hmun an rawn ti buai bawk a ni. Saigho hrim hrim hi bazaar mumal din a nih hma khan Lushaite hian bengalee ho hnenah an lo hralh thin a, an sumdawnna lo chawk buaia an ram thleng a rawn lut chu an ngai thei ta lo a ni.  Kum 1862 khan British te chuan Kheddah method hi an ti tawp a. Hemi hnu hian rubber a sumdawnna hi a lo in tan chho leh tih kan hmu a.

Lushai lalte hian mi dang an run chhan hi tam tak a awm thei ang. Captives (Sal) an lak te hi loneihna a labour atan an hman tangkai vang a ni a. Chumai bakah captives te hi Silai nen thleng thin avangin a hlawk a ni. Company Officialte chuan hetianga insuam/in run leh mai thin hi an ngaimawh hle a. Vawiin a sumdawng a lo kal kha a tuk lehah chuan raider a ni leh thei bawk a. Phaizawl bazaar an lo kal fo chu a him lo a. Lushai Hills a bazaar han siam chilh law law chu fuh zawk a hriatna an nei a ni. A hma tarlan tawh ang khan heng Lushaite hian phaimite nen a in sudawn tawn hi an duh tih a hriat a ni.

 Frontier Bazaar lo in tanna:

Hun a lo liam zel a, Lushaite chuan Britishte hi hmelma en lo in tanpui (ally) angin an en chho tan ta a. Kum 1850 chuan Lushai thenkhat chuan Captain Verner, Superintendent of Cachar hnenah phaizawla awmte nen in sumdawn tawn an duh thu an hrilh a. A hma lam a Bengalee ho nen in sumdawnna an lo neih fo tawh avangin British ho pawh chuan sumdawnna phal sak chu tha in an hria a ni. Chumai bakah frontier venhim nan leh muanna awm nan thil tha tak niin an ngai a ni.

 British mite khan Lushai lalte thuneihna hi an zah sak ve hle a. Chutih laiin 126 mile a thui thingpui huan chu venhim an duh avangin riverine bazaar hmangin inkungkaihna tha siam an tum ta a ni. Hetiang a nih avang hian Military Expedition (1871-72) hnu-ah khan he in sumdawn tawnna hi an tan chho ta a ni. Northern Lushai hills lamah chuan Bazaar pa thum luipui kamah an din ta phawt a ni.

Sonai bazaar : He bazaar enkawlna hnathawktu leh luah man khawn tu Patron chu Western chief - Kalkhama a ni a.  Location: Sonai (Tuirial) River served as the line of demarcation between the eastern and western territories;

Tipaimukh bazaar: He bazaar enkawlna hnathawktu leh luah man khawn tu Patron chu Eastern chiefs (especially chief Pawihbawiha). Location: Confluence of the Barak and Tuivai rivers, separating the Lushai and Manipur hills; also accessed by chiefs from the southern Lushai hills such as the Bengkhuaia and Savunga.

Changsil bazaar :He bazaar enkawlna hnathawktu leh luah man khawn tu Patron chu Western chiefs (patronised mainly by Suakpuilala). Location: River Dhaleswar (Tlawng).

Tlabung bazaar (Demagiri): TH Lewin hma lakna in Tlabung-ah hian bazaar siam a ni.

British ho lo kal hma hian Chittagong border ah te, Burma ramah te, extreme south lamah Arakanese te nen hian suamdawnna an lo kal pui tawh bawk a ni.

 Lushai chief  te hian luah man an khawn a, a luah man hi a hmun a zirin a dang ve thliah hlawm. A hma Saingho in sumdawng tawn thin kha main item chu Rubber a lo ni ta a. Lushai rubber hian Calcutta  Bazaar chawmtu ber pakhat a ni a. Khatih hunlai khan Indian rubber te hi US, England leh European marketah demand a sang em em a ni. Lushai te chauh hi he Rubber sumdawnna en neih pui hi an ni lo a. Naga te, Garo, Mikirs te nen pawh an nei ho a ni. Achang chuan a man tla hniam leh duai thin chuan Bazaar hmun a sumdawngte a ti buai thin hle a. Chumai bakah Rubber an hnai zawh tawh avangin tih reng theih a lo ni lo a. Rubber chu cotton, wax, bamboo ten a lo thlak chho ta a. Amaherawhchu a hma vung tak a kal ang kha a ni thei meuh tawh lo a ni.

 Inkungkaihna tha siamna tana Bazaar hmun an siam hi chhan hrang hrang, lalte in tihthiam loh vang te, luah man san lutuk tak avangte,  bazaar suam (raid) ching lal an awm fo vangte in loh theih lohin khar a lo ngai ta a. British ho tan chuan Bazaar ber a fail takah chuan Lushaite control theih dan ber chu an ram han awp tawp mai kha a ni. Hemi avang hian Luhsai Hills chu awpbeh a lo ni ta a, kan culture sawi danglam khawpin he in awpbehna hian nghawng a rawn nei ta hial a ni.

 Riverine frontier market kan zir hian thil pawimawh em em mai chu Mizote hian hmakhawsang atangin sumdawnna kan lo hmelhriat ve tawh tih te, chu an sumdawnna chu an hriat phak bakin khawvel market a lo thlun zawm reng mai tih te kan hriat phah a. Sumdawnna hi British ho khan tlang mite nen inkungkaihna that nan an rawn siam a. Hetah hian inkungkaihna tha aimahin an sumdawnna hmun tea garden venhim an ngaihpawimawh vang niin a hriat. A tawp berah chuan Mizote thluak hian hmakhawsang atangin khawvel a ngam ve a ni tih hi kan zir chhuah a ni e.


Lushai tih hi tun a Mizo kan tih nen hian in ang khat a ni a. Lushai ti a ka hmanna chhan chu khatihlai record a chuan dan a nih vang a ni.

 

 

Wednesday, December 1, 2021

The Frontier market Part 1

Kum 1871 khan Alexandrapore thingpui huan chu beih a ni a. Chuta thawk Scottish thingpui huan neitu James Winchester chu that niin a fanu naupangte chu man a ni a. Kumpinu sorkar chuan he naupangte chhuahna tur hian hma an la nghal char char a. Chutah chuan tlangmite tlawh thin pakhat Mathura Burman chu Mizote (Lushai) ho chanchin hre tur a kawm a ni a. Mathura Burman hi damdawi thiam niin Suakpuilala nu Pi Buki damlo a han enkawl zo chauh a ni bawk a. Suakpuilala chuan cachar phai a market te chunga thuneih chu a duh em em a. Chumai nilo in chhim lama Lushai thenkhat powder, guns leh sulphur te ramhnuai bazar an tih mai Koilashur bula an tih thin te chu a ngaimawh em em a ni, tih a hrilh a. Heta tanga lang chiang ta chu British ho Lushai hills an lo luh tak tak hma pawh hian phailam mite nen sumdawnna an lo ti hle tawh tih a lang reng a. Bengali sumdawng leh dawmdawi thiam Mathura Burman te chuan phai leh tlang ramte chu engmah harsatna awm lo in an lo fangkual thin a ni.

 

Lushai hills hi khatih hunlai Cachar district of Assam leh Sylhet district, Bangladesh leh Chin Hills, Burmate’n an karcheh a. Chittagong lawngchawlna hi tuipui hmanga sumdawnna hmun hnai ber a ni. Anglo-Burmese indona pakhatna (1824-26) Assam, Ahom lalna hnuaia awm thin chu Kumpinu sorkar hnuaiah 1826 khan a lo awm tan a. British mite chuan Assam phai an siam a, Luhsai ramri dep thlengin thingpui huan an siam a. Lushai ram an hneh hnu kum 1890 atang khan Lushai te chu Lushai Hill District niin an lo awm ta a ni.

 

British ho in Mizote an han hneh hma daih hian Suakpuilala nen hian kum 1871 khan inremna an lo siam tawh a. Kum zabi sawmpakuana a East India Company leh Tibetan sumdawngte in kara palai hna thawk thin Bhotya ho ang khan Mizo lalte pawh hi Cachar sumdawng mite leh Mizote inkara remchanna leh kailawn ni turin British ho hian an rawn hmang a ni. Colonial record kan en chuan Mizo lalte hi bazaar an siam hmasakah te enkawltu/patron an nih thu ziah lan a ni a.

Wednesday, May 22, 2019

LALPA CHU A THA A NI

Ka blog hi ka ngaihsak lo ta hle mai a achhan chu damchhung lungkham buaina hian min zem hneh em vang a ni. Zing tawh lamah ziah chakna in min zem ve thut mai a. Ka duh zawng zawng ka han thai teh ang. Tunlai ka rilru a ka ngaihtuah nasat chu Lalpa hi a tha a ni tih hi a ni. Mihring hi chuan peih chin, tlin chin kan nei a mahse ani chu pangngai reng mai. Minung a ni a kan kawm theih leh biak theih a ni. Thenkhat chuan bungrua engemaw til an duh tihhlawhtlin nanah an hmang mai a. AN mamawh loh hun chuan an hluihlawn leh mai thin. Keini hi tan hun kan nei a tawp hun pawh kan nei. Amaherawhchu ani chu chatuan thleng pawh a awm reng a ni. Engkim siamtu a ni a, chuti chung chuan a thilsiam nimah ila min hmangaih ve tlat si a. Engkimah hian kan tan Lalpa hi a tha em em a ni. 

Sunday, April 15, 2018

Pi Nuchhungi Chanchin atanga thu tlem


Kan naupan lai khan “Titi ik ik” hla hi kan chham nasa \hin hle a, a phuahtu Pi Nuchhungi hla hi kan chhung zinga ni ve awm hrimin kan lam ngun \hin hle. Hla thu mawlmang tak a lang, fing tak si alo ni. Kha hla chham zawh khan kapa hian Lalipop thiam vanga min dawn tir \hin a chumi vang pawh chu a nimahna “ti ti ik ik” hlate hi chu a hunahte a hunlo-ahte kan chham mawlh mawlh mai a ni.

Tun khaw hnu hian a chanchin chu tihtakzetin ka belchiang ve ta chauh a. A chanchin hian belhchian a lo dawl hle mai. Ka chhiar lai hian achang chuan hlim takin min siam a, retheihna nun kawng bumboh tak ka chhiar lai chuan minti lungchhe deuh bawk a, a taimak leh tumruhzia ka chhiar laiin ka rilru-in keimah leh keimah ka infuih mawlh mawlh bawk \hin. Pathian a rinzia leh a tuarchhel ziate, hun a vawn dik ziate ka hmuhin tunlai \halaite tan moral exampler \hatak a nih hi ka ti leh a. Chutiang a ngaihtuahna chi hrang hrang min neih tirtu chu Pi Nuchhungi hi a ni.

Historian mita thlir tur ka nih avangin ka chhiar te chu ngun takin \an lam neilo “objective” taka thlir ka tum ta a ni. He a chanchin leh a thuziak a\angte hian history a thil thleng satliah nilo in history thlak danglam tu “Agent of change” angin ka hmu ta a ni.

Educational Realm(Zirna Khawvel):
Khawthlang lam sap ho ngaihdanah chuan ziak a dah\hat nei lo hnam chu History mumal neilo (history less) in an ngai hmiah mai a. Sap lo kal hmasa te pawh khan an bitum hmasak ber pawh Ziahna tur hmanrua ‘Alphabet’ ngaihtuah a ni. JH Lorrain (Pu Buanga) leh FW Savidge(Sap Upa) te’n Hunterian system behchhanin Roman script hmangin A AW B minlo siam sak ta a. Thu Thungthar- Chanchin |ha Luka, Johana, Tirhkohte hi alphabet an siam hmang chuan Mizo |awngin an let chho \an ta a ni. Kum 1895 khan Assam Sorkar hnuaiah Child’s Premier tih chu Mizo |awngin an chhuah ta nghe nghe a. Heng bakah hian sap hla \hahnem tak Mizo |awnga leh a ni bawk. Amaherawhchu kut an thlak tam hma hian Arthington Mission chuan Chanchin \ha la hrelote hnena hril zel an duh avangin an hnuaia thawk missionary pahnih hi hmun dang a thawk tur a koh let an nita a. Zirna chungchangah hian Sorkarin nasa takin hma a la ve a, zirna medium pawh Bengali tura duan a ni nghe nghe a. Chutih lai chuan Mission School \henkhatte a awm ve bawk a. Sorkar chuan Mission School naupangte chu sorkar School aia an tih \hat zawk \hin avangin Zirna zawng zawng a mawhphurhna pawh missionaryte kutah a lo hlan ta a ni. A tawi zawngin sawi ta ila Zosap Missionaryte khan zirna kha an ngaipawimawh em em a, chumi zingah chuan Pi Zirtiri kha zirna ngaipawimawh tu a ni. Amah hi Pi Nuchhungi engkima kaihruaitu a ni nghe nghe a ni. Zosap Mizo |awnga ziak hmasate hian an ngaihpawimawh chu Mizote Kristiana an lehna tur hmanrua Chanchin \ha leh hlate translate a ni ber a. Pi Nuchhungi erawh chuan Kan Mizo Thawnthu leh Mizo naupang Infiamna te ziaka dah \hat mai bakah zirtheiha min chhawp chhuah sak hi a danglamna a nita a nih chu. Hei hi thlirna pakhat Post Colonial literature a\anga thlir pawh hian a sang hle a. MIthiamte chuan saprim nam kher lo mahni hnam zerang auchhuahpuina hi an ngaipawimawh em em a ni. Hemi avang ringawt pawh hian ziah written literature kan neihna ruangam thlaktu kan ti thei ta awm e.

Reading the author (Ziaktu nihna bihchianna):
Pi Nuchhungi hi Mizo History-ah hian pawimawhna tam tak a nei a. Mithiamte’n “history i chhiar tak tak hma in a ziaktu (historiante) chanchin bihchiang hmasa rawh” an lo tih \hin ang khan a thilziah chhuahte (Contextualize) hrethiam tur chuan a chanchin hi bihchian hmasak a lo \ul ta a ni. Chu hriatthiamna chuan a thuziakin a tum ram leh a phena thu inphumte min hriat tir thei dawn a lo ni. Heng mai bakah hian mithiam EH Carr chuan “What is history?” Enge ni history chu tih a ziahah chuan history a thil lo thlen chhan chihnih a sawi a chungte chu- Determinism (Ruat lawksa) leh Free will (duhthlanna) vanga lo awmte chu a ni. Pi Nuchhungi thilziah tam tak hi Aman a duhthlanna vanga a ziah emaw, engemaw mawlh tu chhan awm hmasa tawh avanga ziahte a awm em tih a chanchin a\ang hian a lo lang chiang dawn bawk a ni.

Pi Nuchhungi hun lai (Nuchhungi Era) hian history-a thil thleng pawimawh tak tak a awm a, Indopui pakhat lai a Mizote’n Feren ram kan kal lai hnu deuh te, leh zirna in Mizote khawvel thlirna a tihdanglam lai hun a ni a. A tawi zawngin Mizote Khawvel thlirna inthlak hunlai a ni a. Chutah chuan amah ngei pawh hi history a tel ve satliah nilo in thlak danglam tirtu a ni hial a ni. Chuvang chuan he paper ah pawh hian ‘She’ hi sawifiah turin ka rin bial ta kalh a. A awm zia chu Pi Nuchhungi, hmeichhia pakhat hian Mizo zinga hmeithai, fahrah, zirna khawvel sawifiah a tarlangtu/ai a awh ta angin ka hmang ta a nih chu.

Hmanlai Sapho lo kal hma kha chuan ringtu hmasa leh hmeithai, fahrah chan a chhiat zia chu thawnthu hrang hrang leh thu kan inhlan chhawn (Oral Tradition) a\angin kan hmu nasa hle a. An khua Ralvawng a\anga Chengpuia an pem dan leh Serkawna an insawn nachhan pawh hi tihduhdahna tuar nin vang leh \anpuitu sap belh a remchan vang a ni. Pi Lalthanglovi (Pi Nuchhungi nu) hian chu Mizote Khawvel thlirna thlak danglam tur chuan a fanu Pi Nuchhungi hi school a kal tir a ni tih a hrethiam pha kher awm lo e.


Hmeichhe \ha chherchhuah (Creation of ‘Ideal Woman’):
Zirna hrim hrim kha lonei a eizawng Mizote tan chuan thil \angkailo taka ngaih a ni a, chumai nilo in inchhung sekrek khawih a mawngvawmba ang mai a hnathawk \hin hmeichhe tan phei chuan thil \ul lo leh zual a ni. |henkhat sawi danah phei chuan, “Lehkhazir lo ang a \ul lo, bialpa te lehkhathawnnan in hmang mai mai” ti te chu an sawi duh dan a ni. Pi Zirtiri pawh hian a School a lut tur hian thingtlangah a zin nasa hle a, a hmuh chhunte chu mihrisel lo leh hmeithai fate an ni tlangpui \hin a ni. Pi Lalthanglovi (Pi Nuchhungi nu) pawh hian Pi Zirtiri sawmna avang hian a fanute pahnih (Lianchani leh Nuchhungi) chu Serkawn Schoolah hian a dah ve ta a. He school hian chona lian tak an nei a, lehkhathiam Mizo hmeichhiate chu pasal tlak an nih zia lantir a ni. Nupui tlak (Victorian model of ideal woman) kan tih ang hi khawthlang sapte pawhin an lo thupui ve \hin a ni a. Mipa tana nupui tlak ni turin thiamna leh tinrengah hmeichhiate an sawizawi (train) \hin a ni. Chutiang hnuai tho a inzir chhuak Pi Zirtiri chuan a school a lo lute chu nupui tlak ni turin chhuah ngei ngei a tum a ni. Hemi tur hian Mizo in \ul kan tih zawng zawng, belvuak, buhthlei, inchhung sekrek khawih etc chu thiam vek a ngai a ni. Discipline khauh tak hnuaia enkawl an ni bawk a, \henkhat chuan thununna hnuaia awm chu an tlinlo a kal ziktluak lo te pawh an awm hial a ni. Pi Nuchhungi erawh hi chu thuawih thei tak leh anu a\anga mi taima an nih avangin hreawm tih chang nei mahse zirtirtute mit tlungin a thawk \hin a ni.

An tum chu an hlawhtling thuai a, Mizo hmeichhiate pasal tlak an nih zia chu Pi Nuchhungite zirpui a\ang khan chiang takin tarlan a awm ta a ni. Chu thil finfiah a nih hnu chuan Mizo nu leh pate tam tak pawhin an fanute zirna schoolah chuan an lo dah ve ta nghe nghe a ni. Hei hian hmeichhiate zirna leh thiamna lamah tam takin kawng a satkua a, vawiin thleng a Mizo hmeichhiate hlawhtlinna bul hi ngun taka chhui chuan he schoolin a rahchhuah hi kan ti lo thei lo a ni. India ram zirna harhna kan tih mai Indian Renaissance lai pawh khan Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar te chuan hmeichhiate dinhmun kan nan hian hmeichhia school an din nasa hle a ni. Hmeichhiate tan social upliftment kan tih mai khawtlanga an dinhmun chawikanna pawh hi zirna nen hian a inhnek tlat avangin Pi Nuchhungi hi social reformer ropui tak a ni. Chumai bakah kum 1938-a hmeichhiate atana Kohhrana rawngbawl ve theihna tur pawl din Girls Auziliary (GA) ah khan Tresurer hmasa ber a ni a. Kum 1965 he pawl Baptist Kohhran Hmeichhe Pawl a lo nih hnu pawh khan kum sawm chhung President hna hi a thawk nghe nghe a ni, Rambuai vanglai 1966 lai pawh khan huaisen takin he pawl hi a kaihhruai thu kan hmu bawk. Heng bakah hian a hnathawhte avang hian Kristianna chuan ram nasa takin a la kan ti thei bawk a ni.

Inspiration (Ziak tir tu):
A thuziah tam tak hi Pi Zirtirin a nawrna avanga ziahte a ni hlawm a, paper hmasa a kan ngaihthlak tawhang khan awmze nei tak leh belhchian dawl tak te a ni hlawm. Thingtlang bati awm mumal lohna-ah zirtir hna thawkin chhunah nilengin thawk mahse taima takin Mizote tana thil \angkai chu a lo ziak chhuak \hin a. He a thuziahte hi ngun taka belhchian chuan a hmalam a lo ziah tawhte anglo takin Mizo naupangte a dah hmasaber a. Hei hi chhungkaw \ha din nan leh hmathlirna thui tak nei tan phei chuan thil hlu tak a ni. He a thuziahah hian Mizo hnam a bikin thingtlangnun hi suangtuah theih tur chhiartute min siam a. “Ti Ti ik” tih ngawt pawh hi Mizote’n sana neilo a hunbi kan chhiar dan thlengin chiang takin a hmuh theih a. Uinote mawi te phei hi chu rinawmna zirtirna a lang daih thung a, Mizo lo neih dan leh ram humhalh a \ulzia pawh a thu leh hle ah hian tam tak kan hmu thei bawk a ni. Heng bakah hian thildang tam tak sawi tur pawh a awm \euh mai. Mizo culture inthlak mek a chu kan hnam moral values, thiamna leh finna te kha ziaka chhinchhiahin min lo dah \hat sak a ni. Mizo History thai hmasa Rev Liangkhaia khan Mizo history a ziah nachhan ti hian a sawi a, 1) Mizo te chanchin chu ziak a dahloh chuan a hriate an tham ral zel anga nakinah a boral mai ang 2) chubakah khawvel hriat tur a Mizote chanchin ziah chu a ziah chhan niin a lo sawi tawh a. Pi Nuchhungi pawh hian a ziah chhan hi sawi lem lo mahse Mizote tan rohlu thamral mai tur chu \hangtharte tan a lo hnutchhiah a ni.

Mahni inhriat chianna (Realisation of Self for nationalism):
Sapho in India ram a Western education an rawn \an tirh khan sorkar chuan sum tam tak zirna tan a chhawp chhuak a chuta an inhnialna chu Vernacular mahni \awnga zirtirna kalpui leh English-a zirna kalpui chu a ni. English a zirna chu kalpui a ni ta a, hei hi duhlo in India ram zalenna sualpawl Congress-a bikin kalfir pawl Extremist kan tih te khan India mite thinlunga India mi nih ropuina tuh an duh avangin he vernacular education hi nasatakin an chawi lar a, nationalist school, college te hial India ramah an lo din sup sup mai a ni. Pi Nuchhungin min hnutchhiah Mizo culture fir tak mai hi keimahni Duhlian \awng ngeiin min dah sak a. Mizo a ngaihsan tur dik leh chawisan tur dik min kawh hmuh a, a thu kan chhiar hian Mizo nih chu a nuam ta em em mai a ni.

Incheina thlak danglamtu pakhat (Change in Dress):
Pi Nuchhungite kalna school chhuakte hian uniform mawi tak an nei a. Hetih hunlai hi Mizote incheina kan inthlak danglam lai a ni a. Lu meh kan chin \an lai leh incheina-a zahawm kan tih sapte inthuamna kan chin \an mek lai a ni. He schoolah pawh hian anmahni dehchhuah ngei thawmhnaw chu inbelin incheina zahawm tak chu kalpui a ni. Chu chu mite’n an hmuh khan an khawvel thlirna piah lamah incheina thlengin midangte tan role model an lo ni chho ta nghe nghe bawk a ni.

History repeats itself:
A pasal tur pawh hi Pi Zirtiri te duh anga hmun hrang hranga rawngbawlpui a awm sawn pui thei tur a nih avangin a rawngbawlna \awmpui thei tur Pu Rualkhuma a nei ta ngei a. History repeats itself an tih angin Missionaryte hrin Kohhran hruaitute he ngaihtuahna \awmpuitu pawhin Baptist pastora nupui turte sorkar hnathawklo an duh kher nachhan hi tun hma lama thil thlengte kha a lo lang chhuak leh mai niin a hriat. Hetiang hi thil thleng thei a  nih avang hian tunlai kan khawvel hrethiam tur pawh hian ngun taka kan history kan keu let pawh a \ul hle a ni.

Mizote Khawvel thlirna ti danglamtu (Changing the Mizo worldview):
            Pi Nuchhungi hian Thingtlang mite tan zirna hmasawn turin nasatakin hna a thawk a, Thingtlang khaw hrang hrang Darzo, Cheural, Lungdai-ah te Boardingah te a thawk kual a ni. Mitin tan chanchin |ha tih baka mitin tana zirna (Education for the mass) hi atakin a nunpui a, a posting reng reng hi a sawisel ve ngailo. Amah hi thingtlang chhuak a nih angin thingtlang mite tan leh Mizo hnamte tan a thawh hi a hreh lo hle tih a hnathawh a\ang hian kan hmu thei awm e. Mizote a bikin hmanlai puithuna ang chite an rilru a an lo hlauhte thlak danglam tur hian amah leh school naupangte hian thil nasatak an ti nghe nghe a. School hmun a ramhuai awmna ni a an ngaih an thlan kher nachhan hian a ti chiang awm e. Hei hian literature khawvel ringawt nilo in kan rilru leh khawvel thlirdan nasa takin min thlak danglam tir a ni.

Music Industry lamah (Field of Mizo Music Industry):
Amahah hian thil pawimawh tak tak Mizote’n a kan chhinchhiah tur a awm nual a. Thingtlang an rawngbawlna Pi Zirtiri hian a zai tir mai \hin avangin Mizo Gospel Solo lama sulsutu a ni bawk. Mizo Music industryte pawh hian an duh a nih chuan a hla sak zerang paih lamah Solo hrim hrim a lo \han chhoh dan leh nghawng a neihte Mizo kristian Culture zirnan amah hi hman tlak a ni bawk.

Hnam lam chhui zui tur ( Research to Mizo traditional dance):
Mizote’n kan hman lam zinga mawi kan tih leh kan roh ber Cheraw lam hi a ze bul leh a \hanchhoh dan zir duh pawhin a chanchin hi keu uluk a ngai hle. Cheurala a thawh lai khan a thawhna hmuna Lai hnamte chuan rawkathla an tih mai hi an kan \hin a. Chu chu a hmuhin a naupangte a zirtir ve mai a. He lam hi raicheh an awm a an kan \hin a ni a. Khua a mite chuan an lo la thu tak em em a, an kam khat hial a ni. Hnam lam hi lam satliah a nilo a, Culture thuk tak a inphum a, a lam dan che zia tinreng pawh hi Mizo hnam zia tarlanna vek a lo ni. Serkawn a let hnu-ah a lam dan step te a ti \ha zel a “Cheural lam” tiin a vuah a. He lam Cheraw kan tih tak hi Lusei ho zinga \ai darh tu pawh a nimahna le. Mizo cultural history zirchiang duh tan chuan he lam ringawt pawh hi zir tham a lo ni. Pi Nuchhungi contribution hi he zirna huang chhungah hian a dik emaw diklo emaw ngun taka chhui zui tlak a ni e.

Sawi tur tam tak a awm a, hun a tlem deuh avangin tuna kan sawi mai tak a\angte pawh khan Mizo hmeichhia zinga mibik a nihzia a lang chiang hle a. A kutchhuak leh a nunah hian university in a degree an pek san theih ber doctorate hial hlawhna hi a in phum \euhin ka hria. Pi Nuchhungi, Mizote tan kan thinlungah dam reng rawh se.